Residual Dried Blood and New Born Screening in Minnesota

Note: The Bioethics Program blog is moving to its new home on April 1, 2015. Be sure to change your bookmarks to http://bioethics.uniongraduatecollege.edu/blog/

by Courtney Jarboe, Bioethics Program Student

In Minnesota, residual dried blood (RDB) samples collected for newborn screening had been stored, retained, and used for research without parental consent. It had been presumed that the Minnesota Department of Health (MDH) had the statutory authority to do so. In 2011, the Minnesota Supreme Court ruled (in the case of Bearder v. Minnesota) that the newborn screening program was subject to the Genetic Privacy Act (2006) (pdf), which requires written consent for secondary uses of genetic information. This ruling led to revisions of newborn screening legislation and the destruction of 1.1 million newborn screening RDB samples. Since the legislative dust has settled, MDH has begun aggressive educational campaigns to rebuild trust and awareness between parents and healthcare providers in Minnesota and address information gaps in the public’s understanding of the newborn screening program and the associated research.

In February of this year, I received a letter from the Citizen’s Council for Health Freedom (CCHF), an organization that actively supported the nine families in Bearder v. Minnesota who sued to stop the use of RDB samples for research. (see image) The letter details CCHF’s concerns about the MDH newborn screening program. The letter also suggests that MDH can use the RDB and the associated child’s DNA without parent consent. Included with the letter were a letter addressed to MDH and a copy of the MDH ‘Directive to Destroy’ form.

CCHF disclosed in late March that they distributed the letter to roughly 10,000 parents across the state based on birth certificate records. Within just a week of CCHF’s distribution of the letter, MDH received 59 directives to destroy RDB samples and related results. This was more than the total number of requests in the previous 5 months before these letters were sent out.

I was particularly interested in this letter because of my master’s project on Minnesota’s newborn screening program. Because this wasn’t my first exposure to the newborn screening program in Minnesota, I realized that I might be able to help clarify some of the aspects of this letter that other parents should be aware of. First, CCHF claims that, “Consent requirements mean ownership claims. But now, only if you object will the State release ownership claims to your baby’s DNA.”  However, CCHF is asking parents to complete “the official state opt-out form” and return the “I Did It” postcard. However, this is misleading as the form is actually the ‘Directive to Destroy Newborn Screening Samples and Test Results’ form. CCHF does not inform these parents that they could submit a request to MDH to return the remaining samples back to them. The ‘Directive to Destroy’ may not be the best choice for every family. What if that family should avoid destroying the sample due their medical history?

CCHF also claims “Without consent, the law allows research to be conducted on your child.” After Bearder v. Minnesota, this claim is simply not true. MDH stores and retains residual dried blood samples and test results from infants that participated in the newborn screening program as of August 1, 2014. These samples are used for quality assurance testing and the development of new tests for the screening panel, but the law does not allow research to be conducted on these samples. If they should wish to do research, researchers and MDH must obtain written informed consent from parents in order to use samples (Parental Consent for Research Use of Newborn Screening Blood Spots and Test Results).

Parents who have questions about their state’s newborn screening program practices should consult with their primary care provider or state’s newborn screening program office. If their provider cannot provide the answers, the state’s newborn screening program should have staff available to assist them. For more information about Minnesota’s newborn screening program, visit the state’s website. Information about other state programs, including contact information can be easily found on Baby’s First Test.

Jarboe Minnesota Letter (1) Jarboe Minnesota Letter page 2 (1)

[The contents of this blog are solely the responsibility of the author and do not represent the views of the Bioethics Program or Union Graduate College.]

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What’s the Matter with Indiana?

Note: The Bioethics Program blog will be moving to its new home on April 1, 2015. Be sure to change your bookmarks to http://bioethics.uniongraduatecollege.edu/blog/

by Sean Philpott-Jones, Director of the Center for Bioethics and Clinical Leadership

With all of the hoopla over Indiana’s recent enactment of its Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), a poorly-written law that gives businesses and individuals broad license to discriminate against members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community, another travesty unfolding in that state has gone overlooked. Specifically, Indiana is experiencing the largest outbreak of HIV in the Hoosier State’s history, an epidemic sparked in part by partisan politics.

Just last week, Indiana Governor Mike Pence declared a public health emergency in Scott County after 79 people tested positive for the virus that causes AIDS, an outbreak fueled by rampant injection drug use. In past years, that rural county saw an average of only 5 new cases of HIV infection annually.

So what does partisan politics have to do with this public health emergency? Plenty. Consider, for example, Indiana’s ban on needle exchange programs.

HIV, hepatitis C (HCV), and other blood borne diseases are readily spread between drug users who share contaminated injection equipment. One of the easiest ways to prevent the spread of HIV among injection drug users (IDUs) is a needle exchange program, which allows drug users to obtain sterile syringes, hypodermic needles, and other paraphernalia without a prescription and at little to no cost.

Dozens of studies conducted in the United States and overseas have shown that needle exchange programs work extremely well. Among IDUs in New York City, for example, rates of HIV dropped four-fold when needle exchange programs were first introduced. In fact, the effectiveness of these programs in reducing rates of HIV infection among injection drug users is so great that US Office of National Drug Control Policy, the US National Institutes of Health, the US Surgeon General, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the American Medical Association, the World Health Organization and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime all encourage their use.

Despite this, needle exchange programs are still banned in 24 states, including Indiana. What is the argument that predominantly conservative politicians use to oppose these programs? That they encourage illicit drug use. But even this claim lacks credence. One study conducted in San Francisco found that drug use dropped three-fold among IDUs who used that city’s needle exchange program. Most of these programs also provide peer education and referrals to treatment clinics, helping participants break free of their drug addiction.

Thankfully, Governor Pence finally (sort of) gets it. He recently announced a 30-day moratorium on enforcing Indiana’s ban, stating that “I do not support needle exchanges as anti-drug policy, but this is a public health emergency. I’m going to make a decision on the best science and the best way to stop this virus and this outbreak in its tracks.” Public health officials in Indiana can now implement a needle exchange program should they want to. While it is too late for the 79 newly infected residents of Scott County, such a program may slow the spread of HIV to other Hoosiers.

Indiana’s now-suspended ban on needle exchange programs aside, politically motivated spending cuts are also to blame for the outbreak in Scott County. That county has been without a HIV testing clinic for nearly two years, the direct result of partisan wrangling about abortion.

Until 2013, the Scott County Planned Parenthood clinic was the sole provider of HIV counseling and testing in that rural community. That facility closed after Republican lawmakers cut state funding of Planned Parenthood because of their opposition to abortion. As a result, five clinics run by Planned Parenthood of Indiana & Kentucky were shuttered, including the one in Scott County.

None of those five now-closed clinics provided abortion services. Rather, like most Planned Parenthood clinics nationwide, they mainly provided other desperately needed health care services to poor men and women. Those services included family planning counseling; pregnancy testing and prenatal care; screening for breast, cervical and testicular cancer; testing and treatment for sexually-transmitted diseases; and HIV testing and education. Those services are now largely unavailable to the economically disadvantaged residents of Scott County.

In their zeal to demonize and defund Planned Parenthood over abortion, a still legal medical procedure that accounts for less than 3% of the total services that organization provides, Indiana lawmakers thus created the very conditions needed for an outbreak of HIV to occur.

Sadly, those conditions are being replicated elsewhere. Just last week, for example, Texas lawmakers announced a plan to cut $3 million from state-run HIV prevention programs and redirect the funds to faith-based abstinence-only education projects. That state currently ranks third nationwide in new HIV diagnoses. It is now likely to claim the top spot, a rather dubious honor.

So long as conservative politicians continue their efforts to defund Planned Parenthood, continue their ideological opposition to needle exchange programs, and continue to prioritize the needs and goals of their corporate donors over the health and welfare of their own citizens, outbreaks like the one in Scott County will continue to occur. I only hope that voters finally sit up and take notice of the very real public health threat that these policies present.

[This blog entry was originally presented as an oral commentary on Northeast Public Radio on April 9, 2015, and is available on the WAMC website. The contents of this post are solely the responsibility of the author alone and do not represent the views of the Bioethics Program or Union Graduate College.]